Gumii Paarlaamaa Oromoo (GPO)

Oromo Parliamentarians Council (OPC)

 

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Attempts to re-defining Orommummaa


By Yaadasaa Dafa April 18, 2015

Over years many attempts were/are made to demarcate Orommummaa both by Oromo citizens and non-Oromos. Equally these inner and the outer communities that are presenting very attentive glamour and zeal for reshaping the original spirits of Orommummaa do have their own distinctive motives which could be; to better serve in the best interest of the Nation of Oromia, or to the contrary. Thus, it could only be fair to reflect back on the authentic Orommumma before trying to analyze the current trends of attempts by the above constituencies to re-describe the norms and basis for Orommummaa. Conventionally, the basics of Orommumma ascended from natural inheritances of the spirit of bravery, prudence, serenity, liberty, patience, dignity, devotion to the Nationalistic, but nostalgic sensations of belongingness, and pride with firm desires to protect and safe guard the cohesively shared and adored cultural heritage of Gadaa. To shield these god given heritages, the Oromo Nation relied on Safuu as the bonding glue facilitating its commonly accepted moral code for all human interactions. The Oromo people never absconded the political positions in the hands of individual ruler, kings, or an appointed civil servants, even if some self-centered opportunists are/were much industrious to circumvent these majestic cultural glories to gain personal power, fame, and fortune without regard for the norms. But the Gadaa democracy typically entertains its built-in checks and balances and a well-developed democratic system of governance. Before the occupation of Oromia, there were five parties overseeing the sculpture of leadership in Oromia.

According Obboo Anga’a Dhuguma, the five parties are: …”Roobalee, Duuloo, Birmajii, Michillee and Horata. They are named after a phenomenon or whatever occurred during the governance of one particular party. For example, Roobalee was named after rain. The fact that it rained heavily is indicated by the phrase “the Roobalee and its bountiful rain” (Yaa Roobalee ya roobashii). Duuloo was named after preparation for war. The fact that the Oromos prepared a big war is indicated by the phrase “Duuloo and the preparation of war” (Duuloo qophessa duulaa). Birmajii was named after happy festival and dance. The Oromos had happy time and phrased this as “Birmajii and its happy dances” (Ya Birmajii ya sirbashii). Michillee was named after war victory. Oromos had great victory over their enemy and showed this by the phrase “Michillee the best friend of war” (Ya Michillee nichuu duulaa). Horata is remembered and was named after years of excellent cattle breeding. These good years were phrased as “Horata and the feeling” (Ya Horata maal godhataa). The names of the five Gadaa parties are indicated in the below figure as supplementary to the above description….”

But through time and space, the model for social institutions of the Oromo community had been under endless, but calculated weakening, undermining, and direct attack: From its neighbors who are in constant contempt of the Nation of Oromia’s god given Natural endowments, and cultural abundance, From within Oromia by the Oromo citizens themselves who often value their personal distinction and karma at the cost to the remaining faithful, trustworthy, and dependable Oromos who are often allotted to defend their Nation’s exquisite and original democratic institutions.


Therefore, it is appropriate Just before we start accepting the presumed reality of the attempts to re-define Orommummaa, one need to be clear on the reason that necessitated or compelled one or a group to explore for the alternative frame of references for the practically existing senses of belonging known as the real Orommummaa, and if it is monumentally absolute to be redefined at all.

As the Nation of Oromia did not suddenly woke up and found its predicament as it is today, it could be rational to have an inquisitive mind to know and distinguish between these undertakings; what are/is involved in redefining Orommummaa in its entirety during this 21st century?

In its sincerity, one should not be illusive/naïve to know and appreciate how the existing sprit of genuine Orommumma had developed, and same mindset that will continue to thrive and flourish. It reversed its course at the very stage of irradiation of the Oromo identity, and forced, but calculated cultural assimilations to the united Ethio/Abyssinian literary/social colonial bondage. It was at that pivotal period, that the middle class Oromo leaders and vanguards of 1960s to 1990s choose to deliver a systematic opposition to the imposed yoke for captivity of the people of Oromia. Such a reversal of its predicaments were/was not one day, a month, or a single year’s deal, but a long fought process where all Oromo citizens decided to do all they can do in all areas of life. Yes, some selfless nationalists were able to deliver a huge blow at the scrounging Ethiopian social structure which was safeguarded by their judicial, social, and religious institutions so as to preserve the colonial power structure of the Abyssinians supremacy in all areas. The dedicated Oromo leaders still continue to render their holistic patriotic obligations to the Nation of Oromia even today when the disastrous attempt to re-define Orommummaa is proliferated even today in the day light at this very era of the information age.

If my personal memory serves me correct, during the life span of some present day Oromo Nationalists, it used to be an accepted norm of every-day life to go to school and be instructed not to speak in afaan Oromo while in the colonial Ethiopian Class room. By then, speaking in your own language, at your own school, in your own community can land one in a serious problem including sanctioning one for different sorts of punishments, up to expulsion and dismissal from the School. In each corner of the Oromian vacuity, all the Oromo citizens do have their own heartbreaking stories to convey in their own unique and different ways – derivatives of their real and ugly experiences from the contemptuous colonial Abysinians, who still even today flame up whenever one starts to discuss about the Nation of Oromia. Yes, they can accuse the Oromos for destroying the senses of the Ethiopian unity, which reminds us of all the past criminal actions of devastating undertakings by the alien colonial settlers in contradictions to all “in the best interest” of the Oromo people. Without going back into the details of the long and unpleasant experiences of the Oromo citizens in the hands of the colonialists and their domesticated treacherous homegrown agents within our society, we all need to comprehend that the vague attempts to redefine Orommummaa started long time ago with the invasion of the Oromo vicinities by the deadly assaultive Ethiopian/Abyssinian war lords. On the other hands, the untrustworthy Oromo selfish individuals sprang out at various intervals concealing their internal animosity to the genuine cause of the Nation of Oromia. But their performances revealed that they are for sure twofaced, who are dressed in revolutionary Oromo gowns deceitfully just to camouflage the real advocates for the people of Oromia. These brands of Oromos sellouts come and go with the same payback from their Abyssinian masters: Imprisonments, poisons, or bullets at the end of their traitorous lives with no simple appreciations, or regard for their loyalty and services to them. Furthermore, here are just few of such shenanigans and attempts to defeat the Oromo struggle for Nationhood just to preserve the unity of the empire during our very life time:

1991, encampment of the 20,000 fighters, handling OLA into TPLF’s killing squad. A nerve racking decision by one of the non-visionary of the enemy conspirator.
1995, failing to learn from the past, mediation started with TPLF the same person spearheading the process. It has gone no-where, but benefit the TPLF at a heavy disadvantage and cost to OLF as an organization.
1998, failing to learn from the past, the same defeatist section of OLF accepts TPLF’S pre-condition for restarting negotiation. The two of TPLF’s pre-conditions were “acceptance of the TPLF constitution” and “renouncing armed struggle”
2000, failing to learn from the past, the proclamation of “Agenda for peace” by the same defeatist section of OLF and the followers. This ill-conceived dead on arrival conjecture, discharged its devastating final knock-out to the unit of OLF until 2014. Consequently, OLF suffered from all the angles of political setbacks including the decreased exhorts of exuberances for the membership, and leadership. It took the non-compromising Oromo Nationalists more than a decade relentless hard work to re-unite OLF back to its original Kaayyoo.
2014 a few individuals within OLF did finalize their breakaway from OLF and took the name of ODF, travelled back home in 2015 for dialog with TPLF.
To the surprises of all concerned Oromo citizens, ODF members shamelessly continued to identify themselves as the advocates for the Oromo Nation (in the name only) decided to return home from abroad so as to participate in upcoming fake elections in the colonial Ethiopia. They did return to Ethiopia only to be besieged, and restricted in a Hotel till thrown back again. There are lots issues that should have been looked at before even making such degrading journey. Just to mention only few:

The TPLF’s election is not a real election: as seen during the previous elections TPLF will be more than 95% winner of the votes. In which democracy, and which constituency will have such percentage of winning margin? Only TPLF!!!!!!!!!!!!
The colonial Ethiopian election is not the concern for the Oromo Nation. The real issue for the Nation of Oromia always remains pursuing the fundamental paradigm for total FREEDOM from the backward Ethiopian colonialism.
TPLF does not believe in their own constitution. It is only on papers that exists, not in reality. Daily practical realities on the ground proves that without any doubt.
But, as for the Oromo Nation at the home front, as long as they remain under occupation, imprisonment including torture and disappearances without just cause, unfair taxations and snatching of their ancestors’ land to marketing it for the highest foreign bidder, and abuse of all their basic human rights and legal belongingness, the struggle for just will continue no matter how bitter it becomes under the current pseudo painted democrats of the modern imperial technocrats of Abyssinia.

The TPL’s perpetrating of inhumane crimes, injustice, inequality, and violations of all the Ethiopian people, including the Nation of Oromia’s basic and fundamental right compels one to go far beyond the fake rhetoric of the regime and look at: The past Ethiopian uprisings and the current elections in Ethiopia in relation to the cause of Oromia,

During Emperor Haile Selassie’s regime, the compulsory conversion of the Oromo people was taken as an Ethiopian patriotic gesture because Haile Selassie himself was a converted Oromo with Gurage roots. According to the World Wikipedia, …”Haile Selassie was born on 23 July 1892 as Teferi Mekonnen in the village of Ejersa Goro, in the Harar province of Ethiopia. His mother was Woizero (“Lady”) Yeshimebet Ali Abba Jifar, daughter of the renowned Oromo ruler of Wollo province Dejazmach Ali Abba Jifar. His maternal grandmother was of Gurage heritage. Tafari’s father was Ras Makonnen Woldemikael Gudessa, the governor of Harar. Ras Makonnen served as a general in the First Italo–Ethiopian War, playing a key role at the Battle of Adwa; he too was paternally Oromo but maternally Amhara. Haile Selassie was thus able to ascend to the imperial throne through his paternal grandmother, Woizero Tenagnework Sahle Selassie, who was an aunt of Emperor Menelik II and daughter of Negus Sahle Selassie of Shewa…….”. So Haile Selassie adopted his new identity as an Amhara, and compelled other Oromos and non Oromos directly or indirectly through marriages, wars and violence to take the Ethiopian (Amhara) identity as well. Therefore, as for Haile Selassie, rejecting one’s own original heritage and accepting the conversion into Amhara identity, speaking Amharic language, while adoring the Amhara culture is taken as synonymous stroke with being a patriotic Ethiopian.

When the people’s revolution exploded in 1973 and 1974, the only organized political constituency to take the power was the military. It was true the environment appeared to favor change among the people in relation to the political deliverances. But the differences between the two young Ethiopian political groups (MEISON and the EPRP) became so sharp that both could not tolerate each other. Then, the military used MEISON and the EPRP’s animosity to promote and establish themselves as an alternative political party so as to destroy the only two un-experienced, but oversees educated civilian political oppositions, one after the other. At the beginning of the revolution, the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement- known as MEISON preferred to work with the Military forming the alliance as opposed to discrediting the role the Military played in the transformation of the Ethiopian uprisings. Knowing the long terms of MEISON’s tactical strategy, the Ethiopian Military regime known as DERG, concurrently started setting up various political establishments known as: the PNDR, the Yekatit ’66 Ideological School, and a political advisory body called the (military) Politburo to undermine the knowhow of the young oversees returnee students of MEISON and EPRP’s political advantages. On the other hand, by the year 1976, EPRP was engaged in all declared war against the DERG while MEISON was working in a full cooperation with them.

With the overthrow of DERG, in 1991 the TPLF took the charge of the empire. TPLF was fundamentally from the Tigray people of the northern Ethiopia. Fundamentally today’s Ethiopia came to be what it is/representing today for some realists; a house of prison of Nations, where the “Democracy” is used as a trademark, not as true codes of equality, justice, freedom and happiness of its populations whose very basic rights are denied in the day light by those who claim to uphold the principles of justice and democracy. Even if the whole occupation and exploitation of non-Abyssinian Nations and Nationalities with in the empire state of the present Ethiopia was designed and engineered by the Abyssinian imperial dynasty, and when TPLF came to power 1n 1990s, Ethiopia’ true and vivid history is marked by severe air splitting intense conflicts, wars, suspicions and animosity and conniving among its populations, the TPLF did intensify these conflicts and people’s grievances with no solution in sight.

TPLF’s Back-ground

According to the Ethiopian historical documents: The formation of TPLF was reaction to the 1896 Ethiopian emperor Menelik, who was opposed to the Italy’s territorial dreams and plan. Therefore, Menelik did:

Position the 80,000- men army into Tigray without making available (to the soldiers) enough military necessities thereby compelling the whole army to live off the Tigray people and their lands.
When the Italian fascist forces invaded Ethiopia, the main battleground was again Tigray, and once again the Tigray citizens sustained the heavy load of the Fascist invasion.
In 1943, after the Allied Powers had defeated Italy and Haile Selassie had returned to Ethiopia, Tigray peasants revolted against the imperial regime. The Ethiopian government forces, supported by British units, curbed the revolt. The emperor then imposed a harsh peace treaty on Tigray.
The first sign of open confrontation with the Ethiopian (claimed) military Marxist regime of Mengistu in Tigray started in October 1974. At that time, the DERG ordered Ras Mengesha Seyoum–governor general of Tigray, member of the Tigray royal family, and grandson-in-law of the emperor–to abandon his office and surrender to the Marxist authorities in Finfine. Rather than relinquishing his power, Ras Mengasha Seyoum fled to the Tigray Mountain and started the Tigray Liberation Organization (TLO). The TLO operated underground and run different political cells and engaged in clandestine the program of a systematic political agitation. During the riotous mid-1970s, the TLO established various cells in various parts of Tigray. In early 1975, Ras Mengesha left Tigray and, with other aristocrats, formed the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU). Those Members of the TLO who remained in Tigray and who came under the pressure from the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) formed the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), whose goals included the overthrow of the Mengistu regime, the establishment of a “more democratic” government, and the removal of all foreign military bases from Ethiopia. The TPLF also condemned Mengesha, accepted Marxism-Leninism, and argued for an independent Eritrean-Tigray federation. Eventually, the TPLF neutralized the TLO by killing many of its leaders and by jailing and executing others in an organized peace making meeting arranged by Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF)’s presumed mediation.

At the time, the TPLF shared the same field with the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) with both being based in Tigray. However, the Red Terror had destroyed both of these organizations, and by 1978 they had terminated from being effective opposition forces to the well-equipped DERG. The TPLF was also severely damaged but, with the assistance of the Eritrean People Liberation Front (EPLF), developed back into an effective fighting force. TPLF’s membership first expanded by the domestications of the former EPRP members into their political programs.

In the 1980s, the TPLF gained its members almost entirely from Tigray population of north Ethiopia for its support, although it claimed to be dedicated toward building a united national front representing all groups and nationalities struggling against the Mengistu regime. On May 8, 1984, the TPLF issued an offer calling for the formation of a united front based on a “minimum program,” whose sole quantitative agenda was the overthrow of the Mengistu regime. By 1984 the TPLF was active throughout Tigray and in parts of Welloo and Gojam. Although its political program continued to have a democratic orientation, the dominant ideologues within the organization claimed to be committed to the forming of the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray. Spectators equated TPLF’s agenda and agitations to that of Albania’s Stalinist leftist’s model.

On the eve of its thirteenth anniversary in February 1988, the TPLF was engaged in its largest offensive against Ethiopian forces. Over the next year and a half, the TPLF captured all of Tigray, including urban centers such as Aksum, Inda Silase, and Mekele. By May 1989, the Ethiopian army had withdrawn completely from all parts of Tigray.

In January 1989, TPLF entered into an alliance with the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM), an organization composed mainly of Amhara from Welloo, Gonder, and the northern part of Shewa, many of whom had once belonged to the EPRP. The TPLF and EPDM called their alliance the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The EPRDF’s docket is borrowed from the TPLF’s main charter.

By the fall of 1989, the EPRDF had moved from its strongholds in Tigray, Welloo, and Gonder and threatened parts of northern Shewa, and started forming the tactical relationships with OLF and other National based fronts fighting the Ethiopian regime.

Those who escaped this murder plot during the early days of TLO and TPLF, including Mengesha were later restored on Tigray region as administrators so as to neutralize their opposition after TPLF defeated the Mengistu leftist military regime in Addis to become the new rulers of the Ethiopian empire. But, Mengesha and his close circle soon embroiled both old friends (the TPLF and the EPLF) into war after artfully invading small portion of Eritrean boarder land. When the enraged Eritreans retaliated by crossing to Tigray as a vengeance, then Mengasha informed TPLF in Addis and requested to be rescued and protected from the Eritrean invasion of the Ethiopian territories. TPLF replied by declaring war on Eritrea and sending more mechanized Ethiopian forces, and the full-fledged war engulfed between the two countries from 1998 to 2000, costing both sides around 70, 000 lives. Not all people from both sides of Ethiopia and Eritrea were fully aware of the deeply seated vengeance and bloodshed that fueled the war causing such destructions on both sides. As the war prolonged, the Ethiopian forces soon succeeded in capturing the most strategic Eritrean military bases and trenches which the Eritreans believed to be un-penetrable by any force. From there, it became in reach for the Ethiopian forces to capture even Asmara, the capital of Eritrea. But the TPLF leaders ordered their forces back before assaulting and capturing Asmara, which could have ended the newly gained independence from Ethiopia just a few years back. It is presumed by many Amhara hard liners that TPLF and EPLF are much related and own to each other more than what they previously thought.

As from the side of the Oromo Nation’s struggle, according to the OLF documents, from 1964 to 1970, resistance in Bale presented the most serious challenge to the Ethiopian government. During that time, the original Oromo fighting forces in Bale managed hit-and- run raids against military garrisons and police stations.

1969 after Mahammad Siad Barre took over the Somali government, when the Oromo fighting force attempted to coordinate their military activities with the Western Somali Liberation Front with no much success as OLF refused to accept the wishes and demands of Siad Barre in Moqadisho.

June 1976 two day “Founding Congress” of the Oromo Liberation Front was held in Finfinne. All of the disorganized and organized uprisings, revolts and movements of the Oromo people for over 75 years under the Abyssinian colonization culminated in the birth of the Oromo Liberation Front. A few members of ENLF (the “Ethiopian National Liberation Front”) who were predominantly from Oromia, were released from custody in Somalia in 1975 and others who had entered the country on previous occasions, as well representatives of the underground study cells, individual Oromo nationalists and patriots were members of the “Founding Congress.” The Congress revised the 1974 draft and issued a new detailed political program of the Front. For the first time in the history of the Oromo national struggle, a political organization with a political program and a clear set of objectives emerged to lead the Oromo people in the struggle against Ethiopian colonialism and oppression and on to independence.
1976 Armed struggle resumed in Gara Mul’ata, Hararge by the Oromo Liberation Front. Students and intellectuals were dispatched into the field from urban centers to provide needed leadership and cadres. This rapidly improved the number and quality of fighters.

1976 The OLF assigned a foreign affairs representative to the office in Damascus, Syria. OLF activities in foreign lands have grown hand in hand and commensurate with the activities inside Oromia.

1976 “Bakkalcha Oromo” (Oromo Star), the official organ of the OLF, first appeared. The Oromo people became tenants on their own land as the empire consolidated its rule. Many Oromo resented the alien rule of Amhara and Tigray from the highland core of the empire. Haile Selassie tried to win Oromo loyalty by developing alliances with key Oromo leaders. Although this strategy enabled the emperor to co-opt many Oromo into the imperial system, it failed to end Oromo resistance. Examples of this opposition to Addis Ababa included the Azebo-Raya revolt of 1928-30; the 1936 Oromo Independence Movement; and the establishment in 1965 of the Mecha-Tulema, an Oromo self-help organization.

Some middle class Oromo women got together to form the first few women’s study circles to read and discuss radical literature, especially those on women’s oppression. The main objectives were to be aware of the roots of gender oppression, to organize Oromo women at grassroots to raise gender consciousness, and to bring the message of liberation to them.

Sept 1977 Members of the leading organ of the Oromo Liberation Front and representatives of the fighters and underground cells met in Finfinne to restructure the organization and elect a new leadership. According to the new structure, the Front was to have 41 central committee members. The central committee elected five individuals from among its members to an executive body called the “Supreme Politico Military Command (SPMC).” The five members of the SPMC were the chairperson, vice chairperson, secretary and two other members overseeing the activities of the committee. Under the SPMC, there were five functional committees each headed by a member of the central committee. These were military, political, financial and logistical, social and foreign affairs committee. The leaders elected to the SPMC were Muhee Abdoo, Magarsaa Barii, Gadaa Gammadaa, Leenco Lata and Baaroo Tumsaa.

1990s OLF continued the struggle by mobilizing the entire Oromo people in a very short time. The Oromo people in return also embraced the OLF from corner to corner of all the Oromian neighborhood, localities, and districts. TPLF and other Abyssinian constituencies continued lamenting every activity that the Oromo citizens are engaged in (whether it is a simple village meetings, or making sure that their voice are heard; by saying “NO” to the injustice committed against them), as a subversive organized engagements spearheaded by OLF. When accused, the Oromo citizens are methodically found guilt by association to OLF without any proof (of any standard) for wrong doing.

It often the customary obligation for students in any developing society to stand-up and convey their oppositions to the authorities’ mal treatment of its citizens. Frequently, the students’ reactions are met with spraying the tear gas, spouting the rushing water, or in a very rare cases, shooting into the air just to scare the youth. But in the case of the students of the Oromia, they are always met by the mechanized suicide commandos who are habitually ordered by the Colonial Ethiopian regime in Finfinee to shoot them down with the real bullets. But such inhuman and unjustified cruelty of the colonial Abyssinian regime did not, is not, and will never stop the Qubee generation of Oromia, and all the Oromo citizens from struggling for just and freedom. The quest for justice and freedom shall continue!!!!!!!!!

The evil plans of the colonial Abyssinian regime such as: The Addis Ababa (Finfinee) Master Plan, Evictions of Oromo farmers from their ancestor’s land to sell it to foreign investors, and the monopoly of all the economic sectors by TPLF, disappearances, imprisonment, and torture by the TPLF and their agents have united all the Oromo Nation and provoked them to continue the struggle for their just causes without any hesitations. Therefore, it became standard for all the Oromo citizen to fall victim to the TPLF’s bullets in the Oromo Universities/Colleges campuses, and at all urban and village stretches of the Oromo vicinities. As these atrocities are disseminated on the Nation of Oromia under the pretexts of being the supporters of OLF, then the Oromo Nation’s unconditional reception and welcoming of OLF into their lives became natural. This is a huge embarrassing facts for TPLF, who routinely tries to conceal and minimize the strength of Oromian uprisings as they do know that it is the decisive factor for their very predicament. The Nation of Oromia is heading fast towards being unstoppable force whether the colonial Abyssinian regime-TPLF wants, or not. The colonial regime in Finfinee can hang to their power grip just for now, but as for how long, your guess is as good as mine. But the bottom line remains that the Abyss who ridiculously believe to be smarter that anyone, fail to visualize how deep they continue to deceive themselves!!!!!!

This the current Abyss regimes’ narcissistic arrogances towards the Nation of Oromia had proved beyond any doubt the impracticality of designing and working together towards launching and sustaining a steady progress towards establishing the Democratic frame of co-existences. Often the Abyss (they) do present the urge and the compulsivity to devalue and humiliate all non-Abyss Nations and Nationalities while deploying their pro-active tactics and scheme so as not to be challenged in all areas of human domains. In the case, that fears of others force them pre-aptly to offend others; can only validate the hypothesis of the “Low self-image” psychosomatic mass disorder with all its vindictiveness blindly energizing that community/society. Such irresponsible acts will continue breeding enemies, unless a responsible visionary leadership and far-sighted political body able to correct such short sighted self-centered gins at the expenses of others. Basically, the confident and well balanced person/community does/do not have the need to distort and cheapen others cultures language, and belongings to feel better at the expenses of the others. Only the damage ones feel that they have to parade on others’ identity so as to validate their hollowly presumed supremacy!!!!!!!

The TPLF and all their cohorts fail time and times again to perceive their needs to alter their negative and the unproductive manners towards the Nation of Oromia, and the other non-Abyss Nations and Nationalities who are colonized and forced to co-habit and share the same colonial flag, or National border. It is this vague egotistic self-denial that relentlessly precludes any breakthrough for concurrently envisioned unity that benefits all.

Conclusion

As we all witnessed there were two fronts of battle within the Ethiopian colonial structure which failed to reconcile despite both claiming have progressive roots:

1) National struggle against the Ethiopian Colonialism. 2) Class struggle in which the young mainly foreign educated middle class Ethiopian students carried the front line burdens.

The basic believes of Meison was that the burning questions of each Ethiopian Nations and Nationalities can be solved when the working class assumes victory over all the reactionary forces of Ethiopia, with the recognition of the Nations/Nationalities to exercise their own languages and cultures . As for EPRP, the same political scenario must be realized, but within the established current Ethiopian social fabrics, and with the vanguard of EPRP only. The ideological differences of both MEISON and EPRP breaded very ugly contentious and combative atmosphere within the Ethiopian political sphere that gave at last the fertile ground for DERG to defeat them both at their own games by naming them the middle class anarchists, and revisionists, who are anti the people’s struggle, while declaring itself as the champion of the Ethiopian revolution.

TPLF continued their colonial administrations in the most aggravating manner towards the nation of Oromia. Vivid acts of crimes that are committed against the Nation of Oromia by TPLF colonial regime is surpassing all the combined crimes perpetuated by the previous colonial regimes of Ethiopia. TPLF even invaded Somalia in their pseudo pretext of going after the Terrorists in Somalia. But their real motivation was to find and destroy the OLF once and for all. Yes, they did devastated parts of Somalia they managed to put their hands on. But they destroyed no OLF in Somalia, because OLF is in the heart of all Oromo people in Oromia, not in Somalia. Yes, the Ethiopian invading forces were able to create “Al Shabab” instead as the result of the terror the TPLF generated on all Somalian people and teenagers. Then who is the real terrorist here?

As for the Oromo Nation’s turncoats, their mission for diluting and defeating the genuine struggle of the Oromo Nation will never succeed. They may try to conceal their real faces, putting the sheep skin on while their hyena tails exposes their real nature. Therefore, the Nation of Oromia pays no attention to those who are trying to re-define Oromumma from spirit of bravery, prudence, serenity, liberty, patience, dignity, devotion to the Nationalistic, but nostalgic sensations of belongingness, and pride with firm desires to protect and safeguard the cohesively shared and adored cultural heritage of Gadaa. The preservations and deliverances to our young generation will be through continuing to uphold what the Gallant OLA and all patriotic sisters, brothers, and the dedicated elders have sacrificed their precious lives for, NOT THROUGH BEGING the enemy for clemency so as to devour the left overs of the aliens!!!!!. You cannot have a forum with your adversaries without possessing the challenging position which leaves them with no much choice to counter maneuver you, and what you claim to present. What is the meaning of having a “Democratic Forum” with the enemy who is not ready to see that option?

Ulfaadhaa.

Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes of OLA and all Oromo compatriots. Freedom and just for the Nation of Oromia.

Oromia shall be free!!!!!!

Yaadasaa Dafa.

April 18-2015.

 

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